Casey himself was raised by a single mother, and he is relentless in his pursuit of the facts about the real lives and living conditions of single-parent families in America—especially critical at a moment when women are demonized for being unmarried and for their circumstances. The employment rate for US single mothers during the mid- to late-2000s was 73 percent, compared to an average of 66 to 70 percent in peer countries. In a 2000 comparative study of nine peer countries, 87 percent of employed US single parents were working thirty or more hours a week, compared to just an average of 64 percent of jobholding single parents in the other countries. Using 50 percent of median income as the standard for measuring poverty, US children in single mother families have a poverty rate of 63 percent when only parental earnings are considered, comparable to the 61 percent average for children in single mother families in other high-income countries. But when transfer payments are included—such as a government child allowance, unemployment insurance and other assistance programs—the US rate only declines to 51 percent, while the peer countries average poverty rate falls all the way down to 27 percent. The United States is the only one of the seventeen comparable countries without an entitlement to paid annual leave, which averages four weeks in peer countries. With the exception of the United States and Canada, all of the comparable nations also provide paid sick days, averaging over three days per year; and ten of the countries provide up to five days of paid leave annually to care for a sick child. While a lack of paid leave makes it difficult for single parents to leave work in order to care for their children, a lack of affordable childcare and early childhood education options are a significant barrier to finding employment and keeping it. In the thirteen comparison countries that are members of the European Union, pre-primary care for children ages 3 to 5 is close to universally available. In the United States, free education is generally available at least part-day for 5-year-olds, but much less so for 3 and 4 year olds—with only 20 percent and 44 percent, respectively, enrolled in a public nursery school program in 2010. As for child care, the cost in the United States is often prohibitive. Georgetown University law professor Peter Edelman that federal assistance for childcare currently reaches about one in seven of those who are eligible. If a single parent in the United States is able to work—which too often means placing a child in a precarious child care situation—there is a much greater likelihood that their work is in a low-wage job as compared to single parents in peer countries. In fact, in 2009, 25 percent of all US jobholders were employed in low-wage jobs, compared to an average of 14 percent in peer countries. And 40 percent of US single parents had low-wage employment—exceptionally high compared to other groups of workers in the nation. With so many employed single mothers earning poverty wages, the lack of income support programs and health care in the US completes what is seemingly a perfect storm of financial insecurity. All of the comparison countries provide universal health care coverage. In 2010, 11 percent of US children in single-mother families—and 26 percent of single mothers—lacked healthcare coverage. The programs either benefit every family without regard to income, or they are income-tested and benefits are reduced or eliminated, accordingly. The United States does allow for single annual payments to many low-income families—through the Earned Income Tax Credit and Child Tax Credit—provided that they have earned income. In 2011, however, approximately one-third of single mothers had no earned income. And although the tax credits lifted over people over the poverty line, Republicans are now trying to limit the reach and effectiveness of these antipoverty measures during the current budget negotiations. If a single mother in the United States loses her job, she will find an unemployment insurance UI system that is less generous and more difficult to qualify for than it is in peer countries. The median durational limit for such insurance in comparable nations is fifty-seven weeks, compared to just twenty-six weeks in most US states. Except during a recession, when the limit is normally extended. However, because single mothers so often work in low-wage jobs—and the average benefit is around of prior earnings—benefits are often meager. In 2010, 44 percent of all unemployed persons in the United States received unemployment benefits, but only 24 percent of unemployed single mothers. Prior to welfare reform in 1996, for every 100 families with children living in poverty, sixty-eight received cash assistance; but by 2010 that ratio to just twenty families. States have discretion to determine eligibility and time limits, so there are virtually fifty different systems. In the comparison countries, the benefit is just below the poverty standard of 50 percent of median income. SNAP has been much more effective in helping single mother families—about 90 percent of eligible children participate. But Republicans are pushing for a block grant instead of funding based on need—which would be as disastrous as the TANF block grant—and Democrats have joined them in proposals calling for billions of dollars in cuts to SNAP. The Deficit Debate— Special Thanks Over the past few months, Nation intern Christie Thompson has made this blog better with her keen insights, writing and organizational ability. She moves on to ProPublica in the New Year and she will continue to write about inequality. You can follow her on. If tax breaks for the middle- and lowest-income bracket expire, who will pay the highest price? Going over the cliff also means nearly 100,000 children would lose Head Start, nearly 500,000 would lose special education services, up to 734,000 pregnant women, new moms, and infants would lose nutrition assistance, and 180,000 families would lose affordable housing. Unemployment benefits—which lifted 1 million children above the poverty line in 2011—will expire for 2 million people by the end of this year as well. The Task Force on Hunger and Homelessness surveyed twenty-five cities across the country for a full picture of urban hunger and homelessness. What it found was a rising demand for emergency assistance from already strapped city budgets. Twenty-one cities said requests for emergency food assistance increased last year, and over half of those seeking help were families with children. Even though 57 percent of cities had increased their budget for nutrition assistance, almost every city still had to cut back on the amount given to individuals at pantries and emergency kitchens, and 90 percent of cities had to turn people away who were in need. Homeless families with children were turned away by emergency shelters in 64 percent of the survey cities because no beds were available. Understanding the demographics, families, health, and early learning experiences of infants and toddlers is crucial to effectively providing supports to infants, toddlers and their families. This report draws a clear picture of the 75 percent of infants and toddlers with a single parent who are in low-income families, and 35 percent of infants and toddlers with married parents in low-income families. Poverty gender gap, 2011: Women more likely to be poor than men. Poverty gender gap, 2010: Women more likely to be poor than men. Poverty rate among families with children headed by single mothers:. Families receiving cash assistance, 1996: for every 100 families living in poverty. Families receiving cash assistance, 2010: for every 100 families living in poverty. Food Stamps recipients with no cash income: people. Poverty-level wages, 2011: of workers. Programs that help low-income households—households that daily struggle to meet the burden of their home energy cost—should not be sacrificed to reduce the federal deficit. Federal energy assistance, known as LIHEAP, currently assists only 20 percent of those eligible for the program. Energy poverty is very real and programs designed to help this situation should not be targeted for reduction. This Week in Poverty posts here on Friday mornings, and again on Sundays at. Today in Poverty posts earlier in the week. 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